The F-35 and Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD)

November 29, 2016

Alexis Amini

 

With the rise of near peer and peer competitors, Western air forces won’t be able to conduct air campaigns in uncontested airspaces anymore in the event of a conventional war. Indeed, rising powers are massively investing in the development of ground-based air defenses enabling the application of an aerial access/area denial (A2/AD) strategy where the airspace is made off-limits to an enemy air force. Therefore, for an attacking force, the Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD) is once again a prerequisite so that follow-on air strikes don’t suffer unacceptable losses. SEAD consists of the destruction or temporary neutralization of an enemy air defense system by physical and/or electronic means. As such, unlike past SEAD operations that only involved non-stealthy 4th generation aircraft, the future of SEAD missions will be a combination of 5th gen aircraft such as the F-35 Lightning II and legacy platforms that will complement each other.

For that mission, thanks to its stealth, its unmatched ability to fuse all the data collected from its multiple high-tech sensors into actionable intelligence that can be transmitted to other F-35s and 4th gen fighters, thus providing the air component with a common picture, the F-35 will act as a survivable Intelligence, Surveillance, Target acquisition and Reconnaissance (ISTAR) platform. Indeed, the F-35 will be flying behind enemy lines to identify and locate engagement radars and associated SAMs in order to provide terminal guidance for missiles fired from legacy fighters operating at a safe distance from the aerial A2/AD envelope.

It’s necessary to remind readers that targeting radars (or engagement radars) are designed to guide missiles towards incoming aircraft by using high-frequency bands. Indeed, due to their narrower beams, high-frequency bands generate better radar resolution. This translates into increased accuracy in pinpointing a target’s location, therefore resulting in a quality weapons lock. As such, 4th gen platforms are easily detectable and locked on to at great distances as a result of their non-stealthy design that reflects the high-band radar waves aimed and emitted by those targeting radars. However, this isn’t the case for 5th gen aircraft such as the F-35 whose stealthy design does not reflect high radio frequencies emitted by a ground-based targeting radar. Stealth isn’t invisibility though, and delayed detection means that an F-35 can be detected and locked on by high frequency fire-control radars if it flies too close to an engagement radar. That being said, since the Lightning II has an onboard active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar that enables it to detect targets at greater ranges and more accurately than traditional radars with dishes, the F-35 doesn’t need to fly at close distance from enemy air defenses to collect intel. Moreover, since there’s no need to fly close to perform the ISTAR mission, the F-35 avoids point-defense infrared-guided anti-air assets that are impervious to stealth and are instead looking for heat signatures. Indeed, despite some improvements, infrared sensors are inherently limited in their detection range compared to radars.

As such, whereas legacy aircraft depend on the F-35 for its stealth to provide terminal guidance for missiles, the Lightning II relies on the 4th gen planes for their superior payload. Because of its stealthy design, the F-35 can only carry weapons internally which makes for a limited payload unlike non-stealthy legacy fighters that can act as stand-off arsenal planes.

Nonetheless, stealth fighters might become perishable assets like their legacy counterparts in an aerial A2/AD environment. Indeed, it’s necessary to understand that stealth fighters are detectable by low frequency radars (or acquisition radars) – designed for surveillance and early warning – that can cue high-frequency engagement radars towards the F-35’s location. That said, low-frequency surveillance radars are characterized by broader beams scouting a larger area, but with lower radar resolution than high frequency targeting radars. Thus, they only give a very approximate location of where an incoming aircraft is for ground based engagement radars whose narrower beams aren’t effective in searching a vast area. But, from their giving a very general idea, low-frequency radars can now provide high-frequency targeting radars an approximate sense of where an enemy stealth fighter is. Indeed, unlike the previous generation of acquisition radars with mechanically rotating dishes, new ground-based low-frequency AESA acquisition radars can detect 5th gen aircraft at greater ranges and more importantly, they can provide greater accuracy in cueing high-frequency engagement radars towards a stealth platform.

Thus, before performing the ISTAR mission, the F-35 needs to destroy those low-frequency AESA radars in order to prevent cueing of fire control high-frequency radars. For such a task, the F-35 will be reliant on electronic warfare (EW) platforms that are the antithesis of stealthy aircraft with numerous apertures including Radar Warning Receivers (RWR) that pick up radio emissions as well as podded jammers under the wings. The EW aircraft will jam the acquisition radars from a safe distance so that they won’t be able to detect and cue fire-control radars thus permitting the F-35s to safely sneak into enemy airspace and destroy the early-warning radars. Once the surveillance radars are destroyed, the threat of engagement radars vis-à-vis stealthy F-35s is significantly reduced therefore enabling the 5th gen planes to safely conduct the ISTAR mission for the 4th gen heavily-armed fighters.

In conclusion, the success of future SEAD missions will depend on the use of a mixed fighter fleet composed of 4th and 5th gen platforms that can compensate for each other’s weaknesses.

Foreign and security policy

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The foreign and security policy of the European Union (EU) aims to enable the 28 member countries to carry more weight on the world stage than if they were to act alone.

As well as preserving peace and bolstering international security, the policy seeks to promote democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and freedoms around the world.

The 2009 Lisbon Treaty established the EU’s diplomatic arm, the European External Action Service (EEAS) under the authority of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs

Implementation of the CFSP and ESDP

European security strategy

In this document, the European Union clarifies its security strategy, which is aimed at achieving a secure Europe in a better world, identifying the threats facing the Union, defining its strategic objectives and setting out the political implications for Europe.

ACT

A secure Europe in a better world - European security strategy. Brussels, 12 December 2003 [Not published in the Official Journal].

SUMMARY

The European security strategy was drawn up under the authority of the EU's High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, Javier Solana, and adopted by the Brussels European Council of 12 and 13 December 2003. It identifies the global challenges and key threats to the security of the Union and clarifies its strategic objectives in dealing with them, such as building security in the EU's neighbourhood and promoting an international order based on effective multilateralism. It also assesses the policy implications that these objectives have for Europe.

The security environment: global challenges and key threats

In the context of ever-increasing globalisation, the internal and external aspects of security are inextricably linked. Flows of trade and investment, the development of technology and the spread of democracy have brought prosperity and freedom to many people, while others have perceived globalisation as a cause of frustration and injustice. In much of the developing world, poverty and diseases such as AIDS give rise to security concerns, and in many cases economic failure is linked to political problems and violent conflict. Security is a precondition for development. Competition for natural resources is likely to create further turbulence. Energy dependence is a special concern for Europe.

The security strategy identifies three key threats facing Europe:

• Terrorism. Concerted European action against terrorism is indispensable. Terrorism puts lives at risk and seeks to undermine the openness and tolerance of our societies. It arises out of complex causes, including the pressures of modernisation, cultural, social and political crises, and the alienation of young people living in foreign societies.

• Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). This is potentially the greatest threat to our security. International treaty régimes and export control arrangements have slowed the spread of WMD, but we are entering a new and dangerous period. Advances in the biological sciences may increase the potency of biological weapons. The most frightening scenario is one in which terrorist groups acquire weapons of mass destruction. In this event, a small group would be able to inflict damage on a scale previously possible only for States and armies.

• Regional conflicts. These can have a direct or indirect impact on European interests, regardless of their geographical location. They pose a threat to minorities, fundamental freedoms and human rights. They can lead to extremism and terrorism and provoke state failure.

• State failure. Civil conflict and bad governance - corruption, abuse of power, weak institutions and lack of accountability - corrode States from within. This can lead to a collapse of state institutions. Afghanistan under the Taliban is a well-known example. State failure is an alarming phenomenon that undermines global governance and adds to regional instability.

• Organised crime. Europe is a prime target for organised crime, which has an important external dimension, namely trafficking in drugs, women, children and arms, which does not stop at the Union's borders. Such criminal activity is often associated with weak or failing states. For example, revenues from drugs have helped to undermine state structures in several drug-producing countries. Organised crime can have links with terrorism. In extreme cases, it can come to dominate the State.

The European Union's strategic objectives

To defend its security and promote its values, the European Union pursues three strategic objectives:

• Addressing the threats. The Union continues to take steps to tackle the key threats. It responded after 11 September with measures that included the adoption of the European Arrest Warrant and steps against terrorist financing. The Union continues to pursue its policies against arms proliferation, in part by strengthening international treaties and their verification provisions. It has intervened to help deal with regional conflicts and to put failed States back on their feet. Restoring good government promotes democracy and is a way of tackling organised crime. Until the end of the Cold War, our traditional concept of self-defence was based on the threat of invasion. With the new threats, however, the first line of defence will often be abroad. We should be ready to act before a crisis occurs. Today, each threat requires a combination of responses, which the Union is particularly well equipped to provide.

• Building security in its neighbourhood. It is in the Union's interest that countries on our borders are well governed. Our task is to promote a ring of well-governed countries to the east of the European Union and on the shores of the Mediterranean with whom we can enjoy close and cooperative relations. Resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict is a strategic priority. Without this, there will be little chance of dealing with other problems in the Middle East.

• Developing an international order based on effective multilateralism. Our security and prosperity increasingly depend on an effective multilateral system. The Union aims to develop a stronger international society, well-functioning international institutions - such as the United Nations, whose Charter constitutes the fundamental framework for international relations - and a rule-based international order. The best protection for our security is a world of well-governed democratic States. EU policies are aimed at bringing this about.

Policy implications for Europe

The European Union has made progress towards a coherent foreign policy and effective crisis management. However, according to the security strategy, the Union must:

• be more active in pursuing its strategic objectives. Active policies are needed to counter the new threats. The Union needs to develop a strategic culture that fosters early, rapid and, when necessary, robust intervention. A more active EU taking on greater responsibilities will also carry greater political weight.

• increase its capabilities. Steps such as the creation of a European defence agency take us in the direction of a more capable Europe. The armies of the Union's Member States must be transformed into more flexible and more mobile forces to enable them to address the new threats. The Union also needs more capacity to bring all necessary civilian resources to bear in crises and post-crisis situations. In addition, the Union must go further in combining the diplomatic capabilities of its Member States with those of the EU.

• pursue coherent policies. The challenge is to bring together the different tools and capabilities of EU policy, such as European assistance programmes, the European Development Fund and the Member States' military and civilian capabilities. The Union must pursue coherent policies. Diplomatic efforts and development, trade and environmental policies should follow the same agenda.

• work with its partners. As things stand now, neither the Union nor any Member State is alone capable of addressing the threats we are faced with. Multilateral cooperation and bilateral partnerships with key actors are a priority and a necessity. The transatlantic relationship is irreplaceable. However, the EU must also work for closer relations with partners such as Russia, Japan, China, Canada and India.

The European Union: a global player

The violence of the two world wars that marked the first half of the twentieth century has given way to a period of peace, stability and prosperity unprecedented in European history. The creation of the European Union has been central to this development. European countries are now committed to dealing peacefully with disputes and to cooperating through common institutions.

The United States has played a critical role in European integration and European security, especially through NATO. Now that the Cold War is over, it has become the single dominant military power. However, no country is able to tackle today's complex problems on its own. As a union of 27 states with a total population of over 500 million, the EU has inevitably become a global player. It should therefore be ready to share in the responsibility for creating global security and building a better world.

The post of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

The High Representative is charged with coordinating and carrying out the EU's foreign and security policy – known as the 'Common Foreign and Security Policy' (CFSP) and the 'Common Security and Defence Policy' (CSDP). Furthermore as Vice-President of the Commission (s)he ensures the consistency of the Union's external action.

How is the High Representative appointed?

The European Council, which comprises the heads of state or government of all EU Member States, appoints the High Representative thorough a 'qualified majority' vote – a system whereby countries have a certain number of votes depending on their population size; a certain threshold must be met for agreement. The President of the Commission must be in agreement with the decision.

The High Representative has also the role of Vice-President of the European Commision which is as a body voted on by the European Parliament before taking office.

The High Representative is appointed for a five-year term, which coincides with the five-year mandate of the European Commission. 

What does (s)he do?

The High Representative's role is wide-ranging. It involves:

• steering foreign policy on behalf of the EU;

• coordinating the EU’s foreign policy tools – development assistance, trade, humanitarian aid and crisis response - as the Vice-President of the European Commission;

• building consensus between the 28 EU countries and their respective priorities – including through monthly meetings between EU foreign ministers, which she chairs;

• attending regular meetings between leaders of EU countries in the European Council;

• representing the EU at international fora, such as the United Nations;

• heading the European Defence Agency and the EU Institute for Security Studies.

History

The role of 'High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy' was created by the Treaty of Amsterdam, which entered into force in 1999. A decade later, the Treaty of Lisbon expanded the role, adding significant new responsibilities. Called from that point onwards the 'High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy', the post was also extended to include the role of Vice-President of the Commission.

On the same day that the Treaty of Lisbon took effect – 1 December 2009 – the expanded position of High Representative/Vice-President was officially inaugurated and the first person to hold the position – Catherine Ashton – started her mandate. 

Former High Representatives

Catherine Ashton

2009-2014: High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs & Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission

The role was created under the Lisbon Treaty. Ashton was appointed by the European Council – the heads of state were entitled to use qualified majority voting, but the decision was consensual. The appointment was made in agreement with the then President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso.

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Javier Solana

1999-2009: High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, Secretary General of the Council of the European Union.
The role was created under the Treaty of Amsterdam. Solana was appointed by the European Council.

The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)

EU Army Gets a Boost from Trump Presidency

The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) enables the Union to take a leading role in peace-keeping operations, conflict prevention and in the strengthening of the international security. It is an integral part of the EU's comprehensive approach towards crisis management, drawing on civilian and military assets.

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November 10, 2016

Geopolitical Monitor

 

Summary

Europe has a problem. The continent has long relied on its WWII-era bonds with the United States for security – the oft-cited ‘free-rider’ in Trump’s stump speeches. Overreliance on the U.S. has kept defense spending low and precluded the development of native institutions, both diplomatic and among defense industries, which could shore up the continent’s ability to stand on its own two feet.

Now enter President Trump, who threatens European security on two fronts: by hollowing out NATO and by warming relations with Russia.

European leaders will respond to the new international climate by taking a long hard look at developing new continental security institutions. The task will be complicated by the United Kingdom, which pre-Brexit was an enduring obstacle to EU defense institutions, but now is in its own uncharted territory with regards to NATO. London has maintained that it will continue to block all attempts while it is still inside the European Union. The prevailing zeitgeist in Europe is another obstacle moving forward; large groups everywhere from the Netherlands to France are clamoring for less, not more Europe.